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Lila Abu-Lughod focuses on the veiled women of Afghanistan and argues on the United States’ negative “vocations of saving others.” This essay comes after the U.S. war in Afghanistan and criticizes how Westerners analyze Muslim women. One aspect that Lila Abu-Lughod says many criticize are the head-dresses, especially the burqa, that many Muslim women wear. Abu-Lughod argues that many of us see these garments of clothing as a sign of submission when it may in fact be a way of empowerment and uprising. Besides being a symbol of class status, head-dresses allow women to leave the house in a just manner without any harassment from men. The burqa, and other forms of head-dresses, have a deeper meaning tied to their culture. Muslim women voluntarily choose to wear these garments because it represents strong ties to their families as well as possessing respectable morals.
Lila Abu-Lughod urges us to be wary of our “vocations of saving others.” She argues that we are used to imposing our opinions and what we consider to be politically correct onto other nations. Therefore, we fail to make a connection with other cultures with a different history than ours. Instead of always fighting for a specific gender or race, when we deal with other nations, we must consider culture as a very important factor as well. Lila Abu-Lughod’s solution to this issue is to be more culturally aware. Instead of using military forces to solve problems, we should come up with ways to make the world a more just place for all. We can go about this by holding debates and conferences between all groups of people and learn from one another. To make this successful, Westerners need to be accepting of differences because other nations might have different definitions of what is just or unjust.

In his book “Aberrations,” Roderick Ferguson articulates that racial issues stem from a difference in gender and sexuality. He begins his novel by referencing Marlon Rigg’s documentary, “Tongue’s Untied.” The documentary shows a black drag-queen prostitute. Ferguson mentions that living such a life will have other people questioning if she is really happy or not. He uses this scene to help bring about the corrupt effect of urban capitalism and how that has an effect on the black community especially. The drag-queen embodies a larger community that has been judged by their race, gender, sexuality, and social class. To others, these qualities of an individual are interwoven into one and therefore, can be confused and misinterpreted.
This rigid structure of what is considered normal to the government and economy is carried over during the increase of immigration in the United States. Ferguson brings about how capitalism goes against the core of citizenship. When the number of immigrants entering the United States peaked, different cultures began to mix and the definition of what was considered normal was challenged. As a result, the government decided to take measures into their own hands by regulating certain practices and patterns once these new citizens joined the workforce. For example, Americanization programs prepared Mexican mothers to enter the workforce by making sure they could perform domestic duties efficiently so that American women would feel comfortable allowing them in their homes. These programs also attempted to conceal and prevent the spread of provocative tendencies from Asian American communities to American neighborhoods. This was taken a step further by regulating these tendencies within the workforce as well amongst African Americans and Asian Americans.
These examples support Ferguson’s the “queer of color” analysis and how gender and sexuality brings about racial separation. He argues that in order to progress and move forward, we must look at these issues as a whole and as a starting point in learning new information to gain a new perspective.

According to Collins, “outsiders” help contribute to the field of sociology and our understanding of society and culture by providing a unique perspective. Many black women were put in the place of being an “outsider” by being a part of the domestic duties for white families. Even though black women became so intimate with the families they worked for, they were still considered an “outsider” due to the fact that they would never truly belong. To help understand the situation, Collins believes that black women must first define and validate their true-selves. This is a response to the stereotypical claims that the world has made to dehumanize blacks. Creating this definition will unify those who share the same experiences and will expose leaders among the community. Collins argues next that understanding the connection of oppression between race, gender, and class is the second crucial theme of black feminists. Collins shows the importance of this connection by referencing Sojourner Truth and Nancy White; who were both women that were black and poor. They were able to first-hand recognize the struggle in all areas of life and therefore, truly realized the importance of bringing to light all aspects of oppression. Lastly, Collins discusses the third theme of black feminist thought to be the importance of Afro-American women’s culture. She believes that understanding the foundation of their culture will help other young black women overcome other situations of oppression when dealing with race, class, and gender issues. Creating this foundation also tells the unique story of the Afro-American women experience. Learning from their own experiences, as well as others, can help black women teach their daughters to go further than they did in life. This applies to all aspects in life; such as education, employment, politics, etc. Collins puts an emphasis on the fact that all genders, races, and cultures can learn from the ideas of black feminism. By using the struggles of one group, we can see the fault in our society and change it for the better.

V. Spike Peterson and Laura Parisi define heterosexism as an institution that considers only “male and female” relationships as the norm when it comes to sexuality. They believe that heterosexism is a more precise way of analyzing the relationship of gender difference and human rights because it identifies the favoritism of males over females. Peterson and Parisi argue that when human rights are critiqued by feminists, it is not beneficial because it focuses on how human rights are constructed through men’s right. As a result, the struggles faced by women often remain unacknowledged. Women are often subjugated by men’s needs. There is a restraint put on the amount of creativity and competence a women is allowed to show when it comes to the idea of heterosexism. According to Vickers, a way in which this kind of subjugation is regulated is through a created social norm called the “battle of the cradle.” “The battle of the cradle” is how society and culture helps to control how many children women will bear. This is done by determining which groups of women (determined by age, ethnicities, etc.) will be best to tend to men’s needs. Another example of how women are made to be inferior to men is the concept of the “battle of the nursery” which supports the idea that women belong in the household. This includes socializing and tending to the children. The government also takes part in choosing men as the superior race in comparison to women. The state regulates women’s rights by restricting their decisions in serious situations including marriage, divorce, sexuality, and parenting. A prime example of the state’s control over women would be the state’s decision-making in areas such as abortion, contraception, and pregnancies. It is unjust that the majority of government officials making decisions on what to do with a woman’s bodies are men.

In “Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence,” Adrienne Rich argues that heterosexuality is institutionalized, or established in practice and customs. Rich begins her argument by drawing examples from Kathleen Gough’s list of male characteristics that describe how men take advantage of and stifle women of their true existence. Some examples listed are more physical: including robbing, rape, and incest; while other examples are more psychological: including making sure they are always at the lower end of the social order. Both however are common and can be seen prevalent in history and currently in present-day.

Another example of how heterosexuality is institutionalized are the sexual pressures created by men in the workplace. Rich describes the struggle for all women, heterosexual or not, placed by males in the place of work. However, there is another layer of opposition for women that identify as lesbian because they are forced to be flirtatious to a gender they are not attracted to because of their economic disadvantage. This dilemma lies in this specific economy structure that sees a greater work value in men than women. As a result, women must place their personal sexual preferences aside as a means of survival.

Marriage is another institution that does not benefit lesbians. Those who leave their husbands for another woman are more looked down upon than those who leave their husbands for another man. It is accustomed for many to believe that women should want to have intercourse by a man and should want to create a family. For those who choose otherwise, they are considered an outcast and are not thinking of their future in a successful way. Doctors have even taken the situation as far as providing “services” to “cure” this issue. Rich mentions the story of a lesbian woman who wanted to leave her husband and was tricked into forcible rape under the assumption she was getting help. This method was approved and organized by a professional doctor.

Rich argues these issues are more detrimental than many portray because it prevents women from being united and throws away this sense of “togetherness” that we, as women, are born with.

In “Thinking Sex: Notes for a Radical Theory of the Politics of Sexuality,” Gayle Rubin argues that several persistent features of thought about sex inhibit the development of a radical theory of sex. The five assumptions that she discusses are: “sex negativity, the fallacy of misplaced scale, the hierarchical valuation of sex acts, the domino theory of sexual peril, and the lack of a concept of benign sexual variation” (Rubin, 150). Rubin begins her analysis by speaking on how the negative assumptions attached to sex can have such concerning outcomes. Religion was one of the first reasons as to why sex was looked down upon. Christianity placed a big emphasis on only participating in sex within a heterosexual marriage only to procreate, and nothing more. Any sexual acts done outside of marriage was considered disgraceful, except in very specific, special cases. But Rubin argues that this negative outlook on sex lurked into other aspects of people’s lives. People who were considered “not-normal” were seen as criminals under the law or mentally ill to doctors. As a result, there becomes a hierarchy scale where one sex act or preference is placed above or below another; leading to one group seeming better than the other. Certain sex acts are placed in “good” or “bad” categories which many use to judge the morals of others. Many argue over different places on “where to draw the line” of what is considered acceptable and what is considered inappropriate. These notions limit progress because many do not see a valid reason to discuss sex in any setting because they believe the majority of sex is considered corrupt. But sex is very situational, personal, and emotional. It is hard to place people in categories, place labels, and create laws that must apply to the masses when every situation and every person is unique.

In The Caliban and the Witch, Silvia Frederici definitely puts into perspective how much of an influence the economy has had over women’s rights throughout history. Due to land privatization and enclosures, citizens were losing their land and taxes were being increased. Many were affected but women suffered the most. Women were not being hired and if they were lucky to find jobs, they were paid the very least to work in uncomfortable settings. It was also difficult for women to move to other cities to find jobs elsewhere due to male violence and the duty of bearing children. Elderly women who lost the support of their children suffered the most; not being able to fend for themselves.

What stuck out to me were the similarities of the enclosure riots and the food-riots of England. The enclosure riots consisted of mostly all women rebels, protesting the social class and economic differences. During the beginning of these riots, women were considered “protected” under the law by their husbands; so much so that men would also dress up like women to be shielded when participating. This continued to happen until the government started making arrests for those involved.

During the food-riots, the prices of food increased tremendously; making it impossible for women without jobs to provide for their families. This, again, created a strong female presence in the fight for equality. Frederici then proceeds to mention that many women protested by bombarding bakeries, demanding food and supplies. When successful, the men would carry out bags of food away. I noticed how, in both these riots, it was always the women who saw the importance of equality, not only for themselves, but for their families, but it was always the men who were piggy-backing off their cause. It seemed as though the men would only want to help if they weren’t the people receiving the front-end of the consequences.

The medical experts that Suzanne Kessler interviewed mentioned that the only theory that has really been published on the topic of intersex is that of John Money, J. G. Hampson, and J. L. Hampson in 1955. The issue here is that with this resource being the only reputable source, it is hard for current doctors to dispute any claims it has made and to apply it to modern situations. There are many factors that impact the way physicians, parents, and patients of intersexuality manage the condition. From reading Kessler’s article, it seems that many of the specialists interviewed agree that biological factors, social factors, and autonomy all play a role in the successful development of the patient, but it is timing that is the most crucial aspect. Biological factors, such as the chromosomes, are determined foremost. This is to determine if the defect is affected by the genes or if the defect is purely a malfunction in the exterior development of the infant. Next, the doctors must run a series of tests on the baby which may take weeks to months. Any judgement made too early or too late can have serious consequences on the child’s psychological and physical well-being. Many doctors, especially Money, argue that regardless of the chromosomal makeup, it is also the appearance of the external sex organs that will truly influence the child in the future. To prevent any early mishaps, doctors recommend their colleagues to be careful in their choice of words and to normalize the situation as much as possible. With parents being the most present and influential, doctors recommend them to pro-long any situations that can demonstrate a specific gender for the infant until a solution becomes concrete. This includes gender revealing announcements to friends and family or choosing a gender specific name for the child. What seems to become very significant in the future for the patient is the ability to become a fully-functioning partner in intimate relationships as they mature. It is argued that there is no point in choosing, for example, the baby to be constructed as a female when she won’t be able to satisfy a male if she could have functioned better as a male with a penis. With a child of intersex, all factors and decisions must be taken into account; for any casualty can be life-changing.

For Londa Schiebinger, the importance of the comparison of anatomy between white women and men in Europe during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries stemmed from the social structure at that time. People turned to science and hard “evidence” to really evaluate if women were capable of important tasks outside of the realm of domestic life. Marie-Genevieve-Charlotte Thiroux d’Arconville depicted women having smaller skulls and larger pelvises than men. This and the works of many other scientists who supported the same notions, led many people to believe that women were less intelligent than men and were only useful for reproduction. Consequently, women were not being taken seriously in prominent positions in the areas of politics, science, and education. Schiebinger mentions that even with what little progress came with the support for gender equality, there were still some setbacks. For example, she references Andreas Vesalius who stated that everything about the anatomy of men and women were the same except for the reproductive organs. He believed that because women’s reproductive organs were on the inside, they automatically become the inferior gender. In the 18th century, research in the anatomy of the female body was prompted by population increase and a new interest in motherhood. With more information and clearer depictions of women, scientists still believed that women were still unmatched because of their sex organs. The effort put into this new research proved that men were satisfied with the way their gender roles were and would support any research that made them seem more superior than women. In the 19th century, the idea that women were below men and equal to children continued. In a gleam of light, it was found that women’s skulls were actually heavier than males but what became a flaw for women was that so were children’s skulls; further putting them in the same classification. Women and children were always placed in the same category; except women could birth children. Using religion and the Bible as reasoning, many believed males were superior because God put Adam before women and children. What is shocking is that many women at the time were not taken seriously and therefore, could not dispute these findings by these male scientists. Their social status and standard of worth was being determined by people that have never considered them valuable in the first place.

Davis begins Chapter Three by mentioning Lucretia Mott and how she was denied the right to participate in the World Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840 as anything more than a mere spectator. The anger that Mott felt was only another catalyst to inspire her to fight for women’s rights. In comparison, Davis talks about Elizabeth Cady Stanton next to display the dissimilarities between women in the United States during the women’s suffrage movement. Stanton was a housewife, having no political experience. However, Davis states that regardless of background, women from all different circumstances were able to promote change and growth within the nation.
Davis indicates that much of the reasoning for the women of the 19th century to participate in the Seneca Falls Convention was this ironic occurrence that was happening to many young women; which was ending up as a housewife even though her studies, inspirations, and attributes displayed otherwise. Davis is further reinforcing the harsh reality of the “cult of womanhood” and how accomplishments were seen as unimportant unless the woman was married and provided a family for a man. Being a mother places her in the household to take care of the family and therefore, she must be reliant on the husband for financial stability; further reducing her importance in the eyes of others.
Davis goes on to bring about the struggle of representation of certain groups within these conventions. Davis mentions Charlotte Woodward, a working woman, and questions if the resolution of the Seneca Falls Convention, asking for equality between men and woman financially, was made by the convention leaders or was it a succeeded effort by the woman working class. Similar to the World Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840, the National Female Anti-Slavery Society exhibited a lack of women, especially black women. The Grimke sisters blamed the society for not representing the black women’s community enough and for not bringing forth their needs.
A woman well-known for being a leader that fought for black rights in addition to women’s rights that Davis discusses in “Women, Race, and Class” is Sojourner Truth. She was a moving public speaker that gave hope to all women. She connected to white women, working and non-working, and spoke of similar struggles, regardless of race. With the years to come, many more women began participating in meetings and conventions. They believed that the rights of African Americans and the rights of women go hand in hand and one cannot triumph without the other.

Davis, A. Y. (1981). Women, race, & class. New York: Random House.